nomorehope
05-12 03:44 PM
Mine was filed in august 2007. It took 45 days for it to get audited and it has ever since been in process, that is close to 7 months after audit response.
hope for the best
hope for the best
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ras
04-08 12:14 AM
Does any one have recommendations for a good immigration attorney in San Diego?
I want to start long time relationship for immigration issues as well as for my future company filings and issues. Please send me private messages as well.
I want to start long time relationship for immigration issues as well as for my future company filings and issues. Please send me private messages as well.
Hydra
09-02 02:41 PM
Hi people :angel: , i'm new of this site so i would like you see my new and first stamp for kirupa!
Please tell me what do you think about !!!
...Lot of Thanks ! :thumb:
Please tell me what do you think about !!!
...Lot of Thanks ! :thumb:
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sertasheep
10-18 10:49 AM
Date/Time: Friday October 20, 2006 12:00 - 1:00 PM East Coast Time
Attorney: Sonal Mehta Verma from Nankin and Verma
Phone Number: 1-712-432-3000
Bridge Number: 153151
Range of Question IDs Covered: 71 through 100.
Conference Call Etiquette:
-We request you to put yourself on mute by pressing the following keys in succession ( 4 and *) to avoid ambient noise(breathing, background conversations, wind-noise, cellular phone static, traffic and other disturbance from your line).
- If you have a follow-up question to pose after the attorney provides a response, you can press 4* again to unmute your line. One follow-up question is permitted in real-time.
- If you have problems connecting into the call, please try after a few minutes.
Attorney: Sonal Mehta Verma from Nankin and Verma
Phone Number: 1-712-432-3000
Bridge Number: 153151
Range of Question IDs Covered: 71 through 100.
Conference Call Etiquette:
-We request you to put yourself on mute by pressing the following keys in succession ( 4 and *) to avoid ambient noise(breathing, background conversations, wind-noise, cellular phone static, traffic and other disturbance from your line).
- If you have a follow-up question to pose after the attorney provides a response, you can press 4* again to unmute your line. One follow-up question is permitted in real-time.
- If you have problems connecting into the call, please try after a few minutes.
more...
osprey
02-14 04:46 PM
HOW CAN ONE CHECK THE STATUS OF THE PENDING NAME CHECK OR SECURITY CLEARANCE BY THE DHS AND/OR FBI WHICH IS CAUSING A DELAY IN THE APPROVAL OF I-485s?
IS THERE ANY TIME LINE OR DEADLINE OR DATE BY WHICH SUCH NAME CHECK CAN BE ANTICIPATED TO BE COMPLETED ?
IS THERE ANY TIME LINE OR DEADLINE OR DATE BY WHICH SUCH NAME CHECK CAN BE ANTICIPATED TO BE COMPLETED ?
vinabath
04-06 12:06 AM
Iinteresting article:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1008366#PaperDownload
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1008366#PaperDownload
more...
Blog Feeds
02-25 07:20 PM
Senators Richard Lugar (R-IN) and John Kerry (D-MA) have introduced the StartUp Visa Act of 2010. According to Senator Lugar's office: Senators John Kerry (D-Mass.) and Richard Lugar (R-Ind.), the Chairman and Ranking Member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, today introduced legislation to drive job creation and increase America�s global competiveness by helping immigrant entrepreneurs secure visas to the United States. The StartUp Visa Act of 2010 will allow an immigrant entrepreneur to receive a two year visa if he or she can show that a qualified U.S. investor is willing to dedicate a significant sum � a minimum...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/02/bipartisan-investor-visa-bill-introduced.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/02/bipartisan-investor-visa-bill-introduced.html)
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smuggymba
01-19 03:48 PM
GC is for future job, is your PERM was not suspended, you can continue with the same application.
If you're on H1-B - YES - a transfer is required to work for company A becuase you resigned and left and technically company B owns your H1-B.
If you're on H1-B - YES - a transfer is required to work for company A becuase you resigned and left and technically company B owns your H1-B.
more...
bharat2008
04-18 12:14 PM
Hello Gurus ,
I am looking for H1 Transfer with 4 months left in H1 six year limit .I lost my job 10 days back.I have approved I-140 but its has not been six months yet after approval .I have not yet filed 485 .
Will I qualify for 3 year H1 extension based on my approved I-140 .?
Thank you in advance
I am looking for H1 Transfer with 4 months left in H1 six year limit .I lost my job 10 days back.I have approved I-140 but its has not been six months yet after approval .I have not yet filed 485 .
Will I qualify for 3 year H1 extension based on my approved I-140 .?
Thank you in advance
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calboy78
07-25 07:42 PM
Pl take this poll - this will shed some light on how fast is USCIS
(1) 485 filed during June and receipted
(2) 485 filed on/after July 1 and receipted
Thanks.
(1) 485 filed during June and receipted
(2) 485 filed on/after July 1 and receipted
Thanks.
more...
gkdgopi
07-06 01:22 PM
I applied for I140 on January and receipt date is Jan 12 2007, I upgraded to PP during last days of June, and the receipt date for it was July 2nd and today i was checking the status, the status is showing a receipt date of July 5th, i called customer service center they say that receipt date is July 5th and this is not a premium case. I understand that they have temporarily suspended PP for 140, but even though my request for upgrade to PP was rejected, the receipt date should be still Jan 12 2007 or will they change it to latest date when request for PP upgrade was denied, anyone facing this issue?
:mad:
:mad:
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goel_ar
05-18 08:54 PM
www.analystforum.com is the right place for it.
more...
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Macaca
07-22 05:00 PM
DeMint's Tactics Irk GOP Leaders (http://www.rollcall.com/issues/53_7/news/19395-1.html) By John Stanton and Erin P. Billings, ROLL CALL STAFF, July 17, 2007
Sen. Jim DeMint's (R-S.C.) speedy ascension to de facto leader of the Senate's conservatives may have won him a number of fans among fiscal hawks, reform-minded watchdogs and some fellow Republican Senators, who applaud the first-term Senator for his willingness to buck the chamber's "Old Boy" traditions. But DeMint's tactics have started to chafe GOP leaders and prompted private warnings that their tolerance has worn thin.
DeMint led a small group of Republican conservatives who successfully killed immigration reform in June and has openly dueled with Democratic leaders over earmark reform, calling them out for refusing to adopt Senate-specific earmark rule changes before going to conference on a broader ethics bill that includes them.
That willingness to sidestep his leadership on immigration last month, and his ongoing fight with Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) over earmarks reforms, has begun to irritate Republican Senate elders, including Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (Ky.) and Minority Whip Trent Lott (Miss.).
According to several Republicans, party leaders have made it clear to DeMint that while they may give him some running room over the next few appropriations-laden weeks, they will not tolerate what they see as repeated efforts to hijack the Senate floor and the public spotlight.
DeMint declined to comment directly on any warning leadership may have delivered to him regarding his increasingly high-profile crusades. But he did say it is up to McConnell and other GOP leaders to take up the mantle of reform if they do not want others to do so.
"I have a lot of respect for our leadership, and we work well as a team," DeMint said. "But there are enough of us who believe this is where we need to go as a party. And we hope our leadership will take us there. But we'll take up the banner if we need to."
Publicly, many Senate Republicans applauded DeMint's courage to take on the normally decorous chamber and for sticking up for conservative principles at a time when the party is struggling to regain its footing. But several Senators and high-level aides also privately noted that DeMint needs to be careful not to go too far, with several saying he runs the risk of being marginalized as he carves out a reputation of a flame-throwing, first-term Senator who casts aside legislating altogether.
"You have to always be careful around here not to overplay your hand," Lott warned last week.
Although disagreements between the two date back to DeMint's opposition to a Lott proposal to move train tracks in his state following Hurricane Katrina, the two have had an ugly split in recent weeks over DeMint's role as Republican Steering Committee chairman. According to GOP aides, Lott yanked his annual $7,500 contribution to the committee's funding after DeMint aides criticized his efforts to push through the failed immigration reform bill. Lott's move to pull the funds was first reported in Congressional Quarterly.
"At some point [DeMint is] going to have to learn he can't always throw missiles," said one senior Republican aide. "He's going to have to work on diplomacy. But so far he's been rewarded for his behavior and has yet to pay a price for it."
With that in mind, Republican sources said GOP leaders are keeping a close eye on the South Carolinian as he continues his crusades. Those GOP sources said conversations between the leadership and DeMint have taken place, and the message has been made clear that McConnell's patience isn't limitless when it comes to DeMint's efforts to block legislation or shut down the chamber to push his priorities.
So far, however, most of DeMint's colleagues - especially those in conservative corners - seem to be accepting of his procedural maneuvers.
"My own view is it's every Senator's right to protect their interests," said Sen. Judd Gregg (R-N.H.). "He was very effective on the immigration bill, and a lot of his colleagues were with him."
And while Gregg acknowledged DeMint carries less favor with Senators over his current cause to use the ethics package as the vehicle for his opposition to earmark spending, he believes DeMint's standing in the Conference remains intact.
"Everyone is very individualistic around here," Gregg said. "You don't run the risk of losing the respect of your colleagues just for being individualistic. It's just the opposite."
But not all Senators view it that way, especially among veteran Republicans who cherish a chamber that's known for putting a premium on decorum, deliberation and seniority. DeMint, in contrast, was part of the more aggressive band of Republicans elected in 1994, some of whom have since moved from the more partisan House to the Senate.
Sen. John Ensign (Nev.), who as chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee is in the leadership circle, said the reviews of DeMint's tactics "depends on what side you are on."
For Ensign, that's on the side of DeMint and others who he called "a breath of fresh air in the U.S. Senate." Still, Ensign conceded that the approach isn't without flaw, saying: "There's always a risk, there's always a balance. But when you are in the minority, you need to exercise your rights."
Indeed, DeMint has a loyal following among more junior Republicans, particularly his fellow House alumni, and those Senators who believe it behooves the party to fight rather than negotiate with the now-majority Democrats.
"It's a thankless task," said Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-Ala.), who joined DeMint in his efforts to defeat the immigration reform measure.
"Some people get mad at him, they want him slowed down," Sessions said. "But right now, most Republicans respect what he's doing. Really, my impression is that even those who are dubious of DeMint's leadership are beginning to feel like this is healthy and that maybe we do need a more vigorous debate."
DeMint said while some senior Republicans such as Sen. Kit Bond (Mo.) have supported him, he acknowledged that much of his backing has come from the GOP's increasing ranks of junior lawmakers.
"It's not universally true, but to a point it's true. It's one of the unfortunate things that has happened to Congress over the years," DeMint said, adding that many lawmakers are afraid to speak out because they are afraid of reprisals.
"A lot of people are afraid if they come out strong against earmarks they're not going to get any," DeMint noted.
As for the chamber's more entrenched Members, DeMint argues that their opposition - both public and private - is motivated by their desire to keep cash flowing to their states. "A lot of their power and clout back home is based on how much money they can bring home," he argued.
DeMint said his party would be wise to take up the issue of ethics as a central fight, arguing that in recent weeks he has seen increasing interest across the country in his battle with Reid. "In some ways this is immigration all over again in that out in the public there's a feeling that this is wasteful spending" and that Congress is failing to seriously address the issue, he said.
DeMint also has begun to reach out to the vast network of editorialists and talk radio hosts that backed his successful rebellion against the immigration debate and has been credited with giving DeMint and his supporters enough public support to defeat the bill.
Significantly, he also has begun to see support from other media outlets, which are not normally connected to the conservative world. For instance, the Los Angeles Times editorial board has come out in support of his work, DeMint noted, and he believes that people across the country are becoming increasingly upset with Congress' handling of earmark reform.
DeMint - who calls the earmark process "one of the corrupting [forces] of Washington" - said McConnell has so far backed his efforts to force Reid to accept the Senate rule changes before conference to ensure no changes to the earmark reforms are made. "Mitch McConnell is very supportive of what I've been doing," DeMint said, adding that "he's asked me to work with Sen. Reid" to find a solution.
But Reid "has been stonewalling me," DeMint said, and seemed skeptical that any solution appears imminent.
DeMint also said that regardless of his leadership's complaints or demands - or those of the Senate's old guard - he will not back down. "This isn't a job I wanted, but I'm good at it," he said, adding, "I'm going to continue doing what I'm doing."
Sen. Jim DeMint's (R-S.C.) speedy ascension to de facto leader of the Senate's conservatives may have won him a number of fans among fiscal hawks, reform-minded watchdogs and some fellow Republican Senators, who applaud the first-term Senator for his willingness to buck the chamber's "Old Boy" traditions. But DeMint's tactics have started to chafe GOP leaders and prompted private warnings that their tolerance has worn thin.
DeMint led a small group of Republican conservatives who successfully killed immigration reform in June and has openly dueled with Democratic leaders over earmark reform, calling them out for refusing to adopt Senate-specific earmark rule changes before going to conference on a broader ethics bill that includes them.
That willingness to sidestep his leadership on immigration last month, and his ongoing fight with Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) over earmarks reforms, has begun to irritate Republican Senate elders, including Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (Ky.) and Minority Whip Trent Lott (Miss.).
According to several Republicans, party leaders have made it clear to DeMint that while they may give him some running room over the next few appropriations-laden weeks, they will not tolerate what they see as repeated efforts to hijack the Senate floor and the public spotlight.
DeMint declined to comment directly on any warning leadership may have delivered to him regarding his increasingly high-profile crusades. But he did say it is up to McConnell and other GOP leaders to take up the mantle of reform if they do not want others to do so.
"I have a lot of respect for our leadership, and we work well as a team," DeMint said. "But there are enough of us who believe this is where we need to go as a party. And we hope our leadership will take us there. But we'll take up the banner if we need to."
Publicly, many Senate Republicans applauded DeMint's courage to take on the normally decorous chamber and for sticking up for conservative principles at a time when the party is struggling to regain its footing. But several Senators and high-level aides also privately noted that DeMint needs to be careful not to go too far, with several saying he runs the risk of being marginalized as he carves out a reputation of a flame-throwing, first-term Senator who casts aside legislating altogether.
"You have to always be careful around here not to overplay your hand," Lott warned last week.
Although disagreements between the two date back to DeMint's opposition to a Lott proposal to move train tracks in his state following Hurricane Katrina, the two have had an ugly split in recent weeks over DeMint's role as Republican Steering Committee chairman. According to GOP aides, Lott yanked his annual $7,500 contribution to the committee's funding after DeMint aides criticized his efforts to push through the failed immigration reform bill. Lott's move to pull the funds was first reported in Congressional Quarterly.
"At some point [DeMint is] going to have to learn he can't always throw missiles," said one senior Republican aide. "He's going to have to work on diplomacy. But so far he's been rewarded for his behavior and has yet to pay a price for it."
With that in mind, Republican sources said GOP leaders are keeping a close eye on the South Carolinian as he continues his crusades. Those GOP sources said conversations between the leadership and DeMint have taken place, and the message has been made clear that McConnell's patience isn't limitless when it comes to DeMint's efforts to block legislation or shut down the chamber to push his priorities.
So far, however, most of DeMint's colleagues - especially those in conservative corners - seem to be accepting of his procedural maneuvers.
"My own view is it's every Senator's right to protect their interests," said Sen. Judd Gregg (R-N.H.). "He was very effective on the immigration bill, and a lot of his colleagues were with him."
And while Gregg acknowledged DeMint carries less favor with Senators over his current cause to use the ethics package as the vehicle for his opposition to earmark spending, he believes DeMint's standing in the Conference remains intact.
"Everyone is very individualistic around here," Gregg said. "You don't run the risk of losing the respect of your colleagues just for being individualistic. It's just the opposite."
But not all Senators view it that way, especially among veteran Republicans who cherish a chamber that's known for putting a premium on decorum, deliberation and seniority. DeMint, in contrast, was part of the more aggressive band of Republicans elected in 1994, some of whom have since moved from the more partisan House to the Senate.
Sen. John Ensign (Nev.), who as chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee is in the leadership circle, said the reviews of DeMint's tactics "depends on what side you are on."
For Ensign, that's on the side of DeMint and others who he called "a breath of fresh air in the U.S. Senate." Still, Ensign conceded that the approach isn't without flaw, saying: "There's always a risk, there's always a balance. But when you are in the minority, you need to exercise your rights."
Indeed, DeMint has a loyal following among more junior Republicans, particularly his fellow House alumni, and those Senators who believe it behooves the party to fight rather than negotiate with the now-majority Democrats.
"It's a thankless task," said Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-Ala.), who joined DeMint in his efforts to defeat the immigration reform measure.
"Some people get mad at him, they want him slowed down," Sessions said. "But right now, most Republicans respect what he's doing. Really, my impression is that even those who are dubious of DeMint's leadership are beginning to feel like this is healthy and that maybe we do need a more vigorous debate."
DeMint said while some senior Republicans such as Sen. Kit Bond (Mo.) have supported him, he acknowledged that much of his backing has come from the GOP's increasing ranks of junior lawmakers.
"It's not universally true, but to a point it's true. It's one of the unfortunate things that has happened to Congress over the years," DeMint said, adding that many lawmakers are afraid to speak out because they are afraid of reprisals.
"A lot of people are afraid if they come out strong against earmarks they're not going to get any," DeMint noted.
As for the chamber's more entrenched Members, DeMint argues that their opposition - both public and private - is motivated by their desire to keep cash flowing to their states. "A lot of their power and clout back home is based on how much money they can bring home," he argued.
DeMint said his party would be wise to take up the issue of ethics as a central fight, arguing that in recent weeks he has seen increasing interest across the country in his battle with Reid. "In some ways this is immigration all over again in that out in the public there's a feeling that this is wasteful spending" and that Congress is failing to seriously address the issue, he said.
DeMint also has begun to reach out to the vast network of editorialists and talk radio hosts that backed his successful rebellion against the immigration debate and has been credited with giving DeMint and his supporters enough public support to defeat the bill.
Significantly, he also has begun to see support from other media outlets, which are not normally connected to the conservative world. For instance, the Los Angeles Times editorial board has come out in support of his work, DeMint noted, and he believes that people across the country are becoming increasingly upset with Congress' handling of earmark reform.
DeMint - who calls the earmark process "one of the corrupting [forces] of Washington" - said McConnell has so far backed his efforts to force Reid to accept the Senate rule changes before conference to ensure no changes to the earmark reforms are made. "Mitch McConnell is very supportive of what I've been doing," DeMint said, adding that "he's asked me to work with Sen. Reid" to find a solution.
But Reid "has been stonewalling me," DeMint said, and seemed skeptical that any solution appears imminent.
DeMint also said that regardless of his leadership's complaints or demands - or those of the Senate's old guard - he will not back down. "This isn't a job I wanted, but I'm good at it," he said, adding, "I'm going to continue doing what I'm doing."
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12-08 07:05 PM
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Blog Feeds
04-25 07:50 AM
I'm about to start reading British native Simon Winchester's 2003 bestseller Krakatoa: The Day the World Exploded about the massive Indonesian volcano. I've always had a fascination with natural disasters all the way back to writing a junior high school research paper on hurricanes when I was growing up in Miami. Winchester's book on Krakatoa and his 2005 book A Crack in the Edge of the World about the 1906 San Francisco earthquake have had great reviews and I'm looking forward to reading both. Simon Winchester is a noted journalist who is known for his work writing for The Guardian,...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2011/04/immigrant-of-the-day-simon-winchester-journalist-and-author.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2011/04/immigrant-of-the-day-simon-winchester-journalist-and-author.html)
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Macaca
06-02 08:13 PM
Dems have tough time enacting changes (http://hosted.ap.org/dynamic/stories/D/DEMOCRATS_WHATS_DIFFERENT?SITE=VAROA&SECTION=HOME&TEMPLATE=DEFAULT) By CHARLES BABINGTON Associated Press Writer Jun 2
WASHINGTON (AP) -- Under a portrait of George Washington and a sign proclaiming "A New Direction," Democratic lawmakers boasted of their accomplishments their first five months running Congress.
Their press release covered two pages.
Yet most people might be excused for hardly noticing, except maybe those who are paid the minimum wage or who live in hurricane-ravaged areas.
Upon taking control in January, Democrats led efforts to increase the minimum wage for the first time in a decade and to force modest spending increases in hurricane and drought relief, children's health care and a few other areas.
Beyond that, the majority party has found it difficult or impossible to redirect federal policies, thwarted by a veto-wielding Republican president whose congressional allies hold nearly half the Senate seats and a significant portion of the House.
To the frustration of their liberal base, Democrats have been unable to mandate a timetable for withdrawing troops from Iraq. Nor have they found a way to boost federal support for embryonic stem cell research, rewrite tax and spending priorities or force the removal of an embattled attorney general.
Their promises to reduce student loan rates, overhaul lobbying practices and put in place recommendations of the Sept. 11 commission are works in progress, at best.
They have largely abandoned their push to allow the government to negotiate prescription drug prices for the Medicare program in the face of Bush's opposition.
Democratic voters might be disappointed, but they should not be surprised, say congressional scholars and political strategists. While Democrats can set the legislative agenda and investigate the Bush administration, they "don't have the power" to determine the results, said Ronald Walters, a political scientist at the University of Maryland.
Lacking the two-thirds majorities needed in both chambers to override a veto, Democrats must make the most of their abilities to pressure the White House, hold oversight hearings and drive the toughest bargains they can, Walters said.
"Democrats are in a negotiating framework consistently," Walters said. "That's where they will be as long as the president has a veto pen."
Even the Democrats' most clear-cut legislative victory - raising the minimum wage to $7.25 from the current $5.15 over three years - has questionable impact.
Only a small fraction of workers earns the minimum wage, and Democrats had to buy Republican support with $4.84 billion in new tax cuts for small businesses.
Still, raising the minimum wage has value as a fairness issue, some Democrats say. They urge the party's constituents to welcome such symbolic and incremental victories in a divided government.
Having Democrats control the House and Senate "makes a huge difference, given the set of challenges the country faces and given that so little was done in the last Congress," said former Democratic Rep. Tim Roemer of Indiana, a member of the Sept. 11 commission.
Democrats have shifted the debate in important ways that may lead to policy changes in this Congress or the next, he said.
On Iraq, Roemer said "it's no longer a question of if" the United States will adopt a withdrawal timeline, only a question of when.
Citing global warming, he said Congress is no longer seriously debating whether the problem exists - as it did last year under Republican control- but considering how to address it.
Veteran Democrats say party supporters must understand that legislative victories often will come at the margins of major issues.
Consider children's health care, a Democratic campaign priority. Congress in May added an immediate $650 million to the State Children's Health Insurance Program. Budget bills for 2008 call for an extra $50 billion, but the effort must survive the appropriations process, and Bush has pledged to veto measures he considers too costly.
Democratic leaders hailed the increases for the children's program, even as they acknowledged the proposed new spending would hardly fill the health insurance gaps.
The change in control of Congress is important, "but what it doesn't mean is the Democrats can impose their will," said Florida Democrat Bob Graham, a former senator, governor and presidential candidate. "It does mean the Democrats can set the agenda and force issues" to the forefront, such as a minimum wage raise that Republicans had blocked for years.
Perhaps the most dramatic change in Congress involves the rising number and intensity of hearings into alleged misdoings by the administration.
Subjects of investigations include contracting practices in Iraq; the use of prewar intelligence; the firings of federal prosecutors; the use of warrantless wiretaps; the friendly fire death in Afghanistan of Army Cpl. Pat Tillman; and the use of political e-mail accounts by White House officials.
The "amazing lack of oversight of White House programs and initiatives" that existed under GOP-controlled congresses has ended, Walters said.
Some Democratic activists say it is important to remind voters that Bush and congressional Republicans play a central role in legislative impasses.
"It's hard to see a lot getting done," said lobbyist Steve Elmendorf, a former top House Democratic aide. "I don't know if Bush has the juice to deliver the Republican votes he needs" even on issues the president strongly backs, such as a proposed overhaul of immigration laws, he said.
At the end of this Congress, Elmendorf predicted, Democrats will have "a record of fiscal responsibility" and voters will understand that they could not overcome Bush's resistance on matters such as embryonic stem cell research.
As for the Iraq war, he said, even if Democrats can't force a withdrawal deadline, "the message that Americans are getting is: Democrats want change, Republicans don't."
WASHINGTON (AP) -- Under a portrait of George Washington and a sign proclaiming "A New Direction," Democratic lawmakers boasted of their accomplishments their first five months running Congress.
Their press release covered two pages.
Yet most people might be excused for hardly noticing, except maybe those who are paid the minimum wage or who live in hurricane-ravaged areas.
Upon taking control in January, Democrats led efforts to increase the minimum wage for the first time in a decade and to force modest spending increases in hurricane and drought relief, children's health care and a few other areas.
Beyond that, the majority party has found it difficult or impossible to redirect federal policies, thwarted by a veto-wielding Republican president whose congressional allies hold nearly half the Senate seats and a significant portion of the House.
To the frustration of their liberal base, Democrats have been unable to mandate a timetable for withdrawing troops from Iraq. Nor have they found a way to boost federal support for embryonic stem cell research, rewrite tax and spending priorities or force the removal of an embattled attorney general.
Their promises to reduce student loan rates, overhaul lobbying practices and put in place recommendations of the Sept. 11 commission are works in progress, at best.
They have largely abandoned their push to allow the government to negotiate prescription drug prices for the Medicare program in the face of Bush's opposition.
Democratic voters might be disappointed, but they should not be surprised, say congressional scholars and political strategists. While Democrats can set the legislative agenda and investigate the Bush administration, they "don't have the power" to determine the results, said Ronald Walters, a political scientist at the University of Maryland.
Lacking the two-thirds majorities needed in both chambers to override a veto, Democrats must make the most of their abilities to pressure the White House, hold oversight hearings and drive the toughest bargains they can, Walters said.
"Democrats are in a negotiating framework consistently," Walters said. "That's where they will be as long as the president has a veto pen."
Even the Democrats' most clear-cut legislative victory - raising the minimum wage to $7.25 from the current $5.15 over three years - has questionable impact.
Only a small fraction of workers earns the minimum wage, and Democrats had to buy Republican support with $4.84 billion in new tax cuts for small businesses.
Still, raising the minimum wage has value as a fairness issue, some Democrats say. They urge the party's constituents to welcome such symbolic and incremental victories in a divided government.
Having Democrats control the House and Senate "makes a huge difference, given the set of challenges the country faces and given that so little was done in the last Congress," said former Democratic Rep. Tim Roemer of Indiana, a member of the Sept. 11 commission.
Democrats have shifted the debate in important ways that may lead to policy changes in this Congress or the next, he said.
On Iraq, Roemer said "it's no longer a question of if" the United States will adopt a withdrawal timeline, only a question of when.
Citing global warming, he said Congress is no longer seriously debating whether the problem exists - as it did last year under Republican control- but considering how to address it.
Veteran Democrats say party supporters must understand that legislative victories often will come at the margins of major issues.
Consider children's health care, a Democratic campaign priority. Congress in May added an immediate $650 million to the State Children's Health Insurance Program. Budget bills for 2008 call for an extra $50 billion, but the effort must survive the appropriations process, and Bush has pledged to veto measures he considers too costly.
Democratic leaders hailed the increases for the children's program, even as they acknowledged the proposed new spending would hardly fill the health insurance gaps.
The change in control of Congress is important, "but what it doesn't mean is the Democrats can impose their will," said Florida Democrat Bob Graham, a former senator, governor and presidential candidate. "It does mean the Democrats can set the agenda and force issues" to the forefront, such as a minimum wage raise that Republicans had blocked for years.
Perhaps the most dramatic change in Congress involves the rising number and intensity of hearings into alleged misdoings by the administration.
Subjects of investigations include contracting practices in Iraq; the use of prewar intelligence; the firings of federal prosecutors; the use of warrantless wiretaps; the friendly fire death in Afghanistan of Army Cpl. Pat Tillman; and the use of political e-mail accounts by White House officials.
The "amazing lack of oversight of White House programs and initiatives" that existed under GOP-controlled congresses has ended, Walters said.
Some Democratic activists say it is important to remind voters that Bush and congressional Republicans play a central role in legislative impasses.
"It's hard to see a lot getting done," said lobbyist Steve Elmendorf, a former top House Democratic aide. "I don't know if Bush has the juice to deliver the Republican votes he needs" even on issues the president strongly backs, such as a proposed overhaul of immigration laws, he said.
At the end of this Congress, Elmendorf predicted, Democrats will have "a record of fiscal responsibility" and voters will understand that they could not overcome Bush's resistance on matters such as embryonic stem cell research.
As for the Iraq war, he said, even if Democrats can't force a withdrawal deadline, "the message that Americans are getting is: Democrats want change, Republicans don't."
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nashorn
12-18 03:08 PM
No, just what is asked in the RFE. Your atterney will handle it.
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terryc
02-07 12:34 PM
Hi All,
With my HTC Mozart, I can download app called 'Stocks' which basically look after stocks (nasdaq etc...).
The charts/graph looks very nice and I wonder how they do that ?
http://farm6.static.flickr.com/5169/5305059802_427180205b_z.jpg
I see 3 colors:
- first above the curve
- second the curve itself
- third below the curve
I wonder if there are free/open ressource which can help to start to draw so nice graph. Any blog or hyperlink are welcome :ch:
With my HTC Mozart, I can download app called 'Stocks' which basically look after stocks (nasdaq etc...).
The charts/graph looks very nice and I wonder how they do that ?
http://farm6.static.flickr.com/5169/5305059802_427180205b_z.jpg
I see 3 colors:
- first above the curve
- second the curve itself
- third below the curve
I wonder if there are free/open ressource which can help to start to draw so nice graph. Any blog or hyperlink are welcome :ch:
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BAS1
November 28th, 2004, 05:13 AM
Thank you for your response. I will pass it along.
Bev
Bev